Before there was Obama there was Haile Selassie: Why Haile Selassie is my political icon!

Every politician has a political hero; someone that inspires them in their ideals and their work. For Obama it was Abraham Lincoln; Boris Johnson sings the praises of Winston Churchill and many radicals speak fondly of Che Guevara; my political hero is Haile Selassie.

Haile Selassie is a controversial figure; hailed as a deity by some and disregarded as a dictator and feudal monarch by other's. Haile Selassie nearly 40 years after his death still inspires heated discussions across the internet and is a permanent fixture in global pop culture with pop icons such as The Weekend, Lupe Fiasco, Bob Marley and other's all paying homage to the life and works of His Imperial Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie I.

Many would ask how an Ethiopian monarch would come to be the political hero of a Londoner? Whilst some would be aware of the religious and spiritual connotations that surround Haile Selassie in the Rastafari tradition but many would not be so aware of the politics of Haile Selassie and his contribution to global politics in the 20th century that inspired me to want to be involved in politics.

Before there was Obama there was Haile Selassie. In 1930 at his Coronation he was the most recognised African face in the world. Descended from an ancient dynasty shrouded in mystery Haile Selassie's presence on the world scene would transform global politics and inspire a wave of transformative events that shaped the modern world.

Haile Selassie was born Tafari Makonen the son of a low ranking aristocrat Ras Makonnen and his wife Yeshimabeth in the Ethiopian city of Harare. At the age of 2 Tafari lost his mother in child birth and at age 13 his father Ras Makonnen died. An orphan at 13 Tafari was summoned to the royal court where he would be tutored by the royal family. Whilst at the royal court he would learn about the politics of the day and observe the men of big affairs.

Tafari was distant from the throne and it was not considered that Tafari would ever become Emperor. Tafari was a small youth; he did not display any of the warrior characteristics of the traditional Ethiopian ruler and his disposition was more that of a theologian and priest than warrior.

 Though Tafari was favoured for his intellect and thought by many to be the future of Ethiopia it was his bigger, but younger cousin that displayed the warrior tendencies that former Ethiopian monarchs had embodied and was considered the natural successor to the ruling Emperor Menelik I.

At the death of the Emperor Lij Yassu Tafari's younger cousin became the defacto leader however his womanising, drunkenness and misguided political diplomacy threatened to destablise Ethiopia. At the behest of the Church Tafari was asked to gather an army to dethrone the yet crowned Yassu from the throne and install a new monarch. In 1916 Yassu was overthrown by the armies of Tafari and the Church and Tafari was made regent and Empress Zauditu was crowned as ruler of Ethiopia. From 1916 to 1930 Tafari served as the second in command to Empress Zauditu and was given the title Ras which inspired the Ras Tafari movement.

As the regent Tafari built the first modern secondary school the Tafari Makonnen School. He lobbied to end slavery; built hospitals and inspired his wife to build girls schools which had previously been a taboo. On one of his trips to Jerusalem Tafari adopted 40 Armenian orphans whose parents had died in war. The orphans were given residence at the palace and taught music; they would eventually become the royal band. Whilst regent Tafari travelled to Europe where he was inspired by the statecraft, technology and modernisation of Europe and vowed to bring Ethiopia into the modern world. He also negotiated Ethiopia's membership in the League of Nations. Many Ethiopians had exceptions to the modern ideas of Tafari; the Church was afraid that he would introduce secular knowledge from Europe; the aristocracy were afraid that he would curtail their power; and government officials feared the introduction of transparency and accountability, nevertheless...

In 1930 after the death of Empress Zauditu Tafari Makonnen was crowned Emperor Haile Selassie I on Nov 2nd. It was a lavish affair with dignitary's from all over the world in attendance. It was perhaps the most significant event in 20th century African history. The coronation was covered by the international media and Haile Selassie instantly became an internationally acclaimed figure; the first African to make the front cover of Time magazine where he was depicted with the title "King of King's". Before there was Obama there was Haile Selassie...

In 1930 the African world was mired in colonialism. On his coronation Haile Selassie became the voice and champion of all Africa and African people across the globe as the head of the only free African state. In the midst of a continent wallowing in colonialism Haile Selassie was a light in a sea of darkness that shone for the whole world to see.

In 1935 not long into his reign Ethiopia was attacked by Italian fascist dictator Benito Mussolini. Unable to defend themselves against a modern European power Ethiopia was briefly defeated; Haile Selassie sought support of the international community and visited Geneva to deliver a damning anti-fascist speech that has become historic; calling upon the League of Nations to defend their treaty and ideals of collective security. Haile Selassie was booed and most of the nations voted to acknowledge Italy as the rulers of Ethiopia. The speech delivered at the League would be prophetic as Selassie told the audience that "today it us tomorrow it will be you" warning against the rise of fascism in Europe. On delivering the appeal to no avail Haile Selassie was forced into exile in Britain where he stayed firstly in Wimbledon in London and then settling in Bath. After 5 years in Britain with the support of the British army Haile Selassie returned to Ethiopia in 1941 victorious after British and Ethiopian troops reclaimed Ethiopia.

Haile Selassie would preside over Ethiopia for many years introducing a written constitution, abolishing the legal basis for slavery, leading Ethiopia into the UN and attempting to introduce a progressive taxation system. He also restricted legal privileges of the clergy; introduced new land taxes for landowners and challenged traditional church education implementing a modern, secular education system. During his reign Haile Selassie created a civil society and gave birth to an Ethiopian middle class introducing social mobility into a once rigid class system; Haile Selassie was the first African leader to have a women in government.

Haile Selassie in the latter part of his career became a global statesman delivering his classic address to the UN that became the lyrics of Bob Marley's song "War" in 1963. A speech that is possibly one of the most shared speeches in facebook history whose sentiments still ring true today. In 1963 he also convened the founding conference of the Organisation of African Unity in his capital city Addis Ababa in the purpose built Africa Hall where he was dubbed "father of modern Africa" and made the first chair. It was Haile Selassie that gave Nelson Mandela refuge when pursued by the South African government making him an Ethiopian citizen and providing military training to fight apartheid. In 1954 Selassie was recognised by

the British monarchy and given the Order of the Garter, the highest British order, by Queen Elizabeth II. In the US he was acclaimed by JFK as one of his political hero's whose place was assured in history. In 1965 Haile Selassie was recognised by his faith and given the title "Defender of the faith" by the Oriental Eastern Orthodox Churches, the highest title ever bestowed by the Church. 

Haile Selassie has inspired my politics; Haile Selassie was not a militant; a revolutionary or race nationalist but a liberal reformer. A political liberal who drew inspiration from Frederic the Great of Prussia who was referred to as the "Liberal King". Selassie was a vocal champion of internationalism, human rights, collective security and nuclear disarmament; classic liberal values. He championed nature and animal rights long before it was fashionable. In Haile Selassie we find one of, if not the first anti-fascism and anti-racism global advocates. In Haile Selassie I find inspiration for a civil society led liberal politics a politics that combines the kindness of a Christian heart, the pragmatism of a political leader and the idealism of a global statesman. Before there was Obama there was Haile Selassie...

Why I believe in the politics of civil society...

Antonio Gransci the Italian cultural theorist and inspiration behind the Cultural Studies movement; whilst in an Italian prison at the behest of Fascist dictator Benito Mussolini in the 1930's wrote that the battleground for social change was in civil society. For Gramsci it was civil society that formed the trenches where the modern war for the heart of society was taking place. I believe what Gramsci believed; that civil society is the space for struggle for social change.

All great political philosophy identifies an agent, a group in society that can lead the struggle and usher in a new era. For Christianity it was the poor; for Communism it was the worker and I believe that today for liberal politics civil society is that agent that has the power to change the world for the better.

I believe that today we must build a civil society movement that can hold the state and the market to account and give a voice to the voiceless. I believe that those with the heart and soul to want to do good for others through charitable and community work are the ones that should hold the reigns of power in any society; directing the market towards a more ethical economy and the state towards more ethical governance.

Today the domination of the state and the market has led to near economic ruin; forced many people into homelessness and millions into unemployment. The domination of the state and the market has led to the need for food banks in some of the richest countries in the world. The domination of the state and the market in society has led to the breakdown of human relationships and the destruction of community as the state and the market increasingly eroded the civil society sphere. Although civil society is in fact the first sector of human society it has been relegated to the place of the "third sector" by the state and the market and left people unable to come together around the great human ideals that have guided mankind for millenia. It is civil society that has allowed for both the state and the market to flourish. It is civil society that has created the human values that paved the way for mankind to strive for peace, globalisation and human rights. 

Whilst political philosopher's can largely be split into two categories those that are pro-market and those that are pro-state, I and other community organisers are seeking towards a political philosophy that puts civil society at the centre of what the good society is about. To create a powerful political space that seeks to turn us towards working for the common good.

It has been the dream of many liberals for a world without borders and a world where peace reigns, the power of civil society has the power to undermine the barriers that have been created by the state. Through the organisation of global civil society we can transcend the blood and soil philosophy that birthed the nation state and manifest an internationalism that is fundamentally human.

The philosophy of civil society that I espouse transcends race, class and gender. It is not a philosophy of division that excludes on the basis of race, class or gender like the identity politics of the past. It is a philosophy that speaks to the humanity in all people in pursuit of the common good and the spirit of one love.

My people are not the workers or my race but the race and class of angels that have done and continue to work in the trenches for a better world.

That is what I believe.

    

In defence of post-race politics in "black" thought. First Draft

Huey P Newton once said that "revolution is a struggle between the old and the new", for Newton there was always generational struggle between the new and the old order. Today, I am in a revolutionary struggle against the old order of "black" politics in the UK. Lester Holloway a former disgruntled Liberal Democrat and former employee at the 1990 Trust has decided in a frenzied act of spite that my ideas on "race" politics are dangerous and worthy of not only a challenge but an assassination of my character.

Lester Holloway here http://lesterholloway.com/2014/12/16/the-problem-with-post-racial-bloggers/

argues that in my previous blog "the problem with black politics in Britain" I have argued against efforts to improve race relations; that my arguments against "race" specific politics are counter-revolutionary; that I have called for an end to struggle against racial injustice and that I ignore statistics regarding "black" unemployment amongst other things. Mr Holloway has also argued that my political ideals are an attempt to be a slave to the Liberal Democrat party whilst adding that my ideas lack support amongst activists and campaigners and the BME electorate.

It is clear to me that arguing that "race" politics is ineffective and divisive in a multi-racial society is not arguing against an improvement in race relations, on the contrary it is thinking about race relations in the UK with the highest level of idealism and seeking much more improved race relations in the UK. It is my belief that the rhetoric and methods of the older activists is not conjugal to improving race relations and can descend into explosive tirades that border on racial prejudice and inflame wounds rather than try to heal them. I am seeking for Britain to heal itself after Empire and looking towards a new post-racial vision of British identity, to move forward as one nation into the future because it serves all of our self-interests. 

If race-relations in Britain is as bad as Mr Holloway believes then it would seem that the campaigning tactics that he and other's have used are not effective in improving race relations or tackling racism and it is time for fresh thinking on "race". I am arguing that the only enlightened thought that we can have on the issue today is to recognise that the decolonisation of the British mind demands a rethinking of 19th Century "race" ideology. I am looking towards an inclusive British identity that judges one by the content of their character rather than the colour of their skin. I believe that is an enlightened doctrine that if repeated enough will do more to improve race relations than the type of rhetoric that Mr Holloway likes to use and the posture that he uses to share his rhetoric.

In his attack Mr Holloway attempts to paint me as a Conservative and part of a Conservative political tradition that was attacked by Martin Luther King. His statements prove to me that Mr Holloway is a political infant. Mr Holloway is aware that I am a Liberal Democrat; that I believe in the philosophy of John Mill. A liberal cannot be painted as a conservative; it makes no sense. I am open about my support for decriminalisation of cannabis and sex work. I have been clear that I want to tell the story of modern Liberal Britain and the revolution that birthed it. I am not attempting to maintain the political tradition of the "Head Negro in Charge" that Mr Holloway is championing; it is Holloway that is seeking to pursue what is now in the black community a conservative politics that harkens back to the 60's, 70's and 80's.  

Holloway claims that I am calling for withdrawal from the struggle. He wants the world to believe that there is something called "the struggle" that he is the moral guardian of when in fact there are many struggles. Because I am struggling for a post-race mindset it does not mean that it is not a struggle in itself or a contribution to elements of the struggle that Holloway has been engaged in for more than 30 years. For me what I am arguing for is the logical next step towards a better world and racial equality.

Holloway has an issue with the concept of equality of opportunity and wants to pursue a Marxist inspired equality of outcome. I believe that it is not feasible or necessary to ensure that all outcomes are equal; it is possible to try to move towards an equality of opportunity and I believe that there are enough stories such as the story of Sharon White, the newly appointed Head of Ofcom or the story of Lewis Hamilton Britain's Sport's Personality of the Year 2014 to support an argument that equality of opportunity does work and that policy's to ensure equality of outcome are too emotive for consideration in the political climate and environment that we live in.

Holloway falsely claims that I have argued that "race" is a thing of the past when in fact I have argued that "race" specific politics is a thing of the past. I am aware that "race" as an ideology exists but I am challenging that ideology and seeking another way to overcome racism which is to unlearn the racist ideology that we have been taught which weighs on our shoulders like a boulder; to find new ways of classifying mankind that acknowledge human identity is not limited to "race"; to truly decolonise our minds in the spirit of Franz Fanon.

Holloway deceitfully misinterprets my analysis of "race" politics by insinuating that I have argued against cultural community self-organisation. In a multi-cultural society it is accepted that community's self organise and this adds diversity to a city like London. However community self organisation in the spirit of multiculturalism is not the same as "race" specific politics. Cultural communities exist and people in those communities have different politics but they come together for cultural festivals like Diwali or Christmas and I believe that this is a good thing that makes London diverse.

In some African states, in Nazi Germany and in failed states in Eastern Europe ethnic and "race" politics has led to genocide and war. It is not acceptable politics in the 21st century to speak about "race" in such straightforward terms as those that Holloway wants me to use. Public policy, governance and citizenship of Britain must be post-race lest we become a balkanised society with ethnic antagonism that threatens to destabilise peace and security and further erode race relations. 

Politics is about governance and in a multi-racial society one has to govern for all people and not attempt to stir resentment for personal gain. "Black" people are not a British "other", they are British citizens and when we speak about unemployment we are speaking about unemployment on a whole. Any progressive government would have to seek to improve employment for British citizens regardless of their skin colour. They would have to seek better skills training for all citizens. The point for me is that we should accept that we are British citizens and we are already assimilated. 

Holloway takes a dig to claim that I have no support from activists, campaigners or the BAME electorate. I am a British citizen and seek to speak to British people regardless of their skin colour. I have both "black" and "white" relatives and come from Britain and consider my "black" peers to be British and I am very clear that they are not as "race" conscious as previous generations. Today a young "white" girl listens to Fekky or Wiley and relates to it; a "black" boy listens to N-Dubz and relate's to it and they are all British.

Holloway recently left the LibDem's after 8 years in membership; because he was not successful in the party he has decided to ignore other personal factors that could have impacted on his political career or more precisely his lack of one. If Holloway was so interested in "blackness" and seeing "black" people in British politics why would he think it necessary to interfere in my business to attempt to write an article to character assassinate and discredit my politics? It is clear to me that Holloway's posture in his attack is not the one of "black" solidarity... Holloway proves my point that "race" politics is a hollow shell and not the political reality. If he was such a "race" man the proof would be in him stepping away from interfering in my work and trying to discredit it...

If there was unanimity in the "black" politics would Holloway be writing an essay to challenge my ideas? I am a Liberal Democrat and Holloway is not. Lee Jasper supports the Respect Party; David Lammy supports Labour; Sam Gyimah supports Conservatives and Winston Mckenzie supports UKIP?! There is no black voting bloc; it is impossible. We are no different from the host community who support different political parties and political ideals. Holloway is really ignoring the facts. The facts are that we do not all have the same political ideals in the "black" community so therefore we cannot have a "black" voting bloc. 

It is no secret that the Hip-hop Generation have not sought to pursue the "race" politics of the past; they have not created "black" political groups or tried to organise for the "black vote". We have not created organisations for the purpose of "race" politics. We are the generation that have come up with Obama and Jay-Z. We have not grown up in the segregated US. We have grown up in an era where "black" hero's were not only Martin Luther King or Mandela that were struggling for freedom but also some successful people who were not engaged in black liberation. We were not born in the era of anti-colonial struggle; we missed the anti-apartheid struggles; we were not part of the Black Power generation or the Civil Right's generation... 

I believe that the live's of "black" people can be changed through policy that is not "race" specific such as a living wage or migrant's amnesty. I support an overhaul of stop and search and more funding for mental health research as well as mental health waiting times. I support the decriminalisation of cannabis and prison reform; I have argued for a new narrative of British identity that includes all those within the British Empire. All these policies can contribute to tackling issues that impact the "black" community but they do not rely on the racial antagonism that Holloway like's to promote.

Campaigns such as the living wage campaign have lifted millions of people out of poverty many of whom are "black" but it has had no need to fall back into "race" rhetoric to bring about those changes. The campaign to end child detention in migrant case's has impacted the lives of thousands of people many of whom are "black" but it does not depend on trying to gather a following by racialising every issue. The recent Parliamentary Act to commit Britain to spending 0.7% of its income on aid impacts on "black" people but it is not race specific policy. Improving facilities for those experiencing mental illness impacts on the important issue of mental health in the "black" community but it is not framed in "race" terms.

There is no space in Britain for the "race" politics of Lester Holloway. There is no space for those that use the emotive language of "race" to gain a following whether they be BNP, EDL or Nation of Islam. It is divisive and does not work to improve race relations in Britain but only to further fracture them. In the 21st Century the language of "race" that Holloway espouses is only a barrier to racial harmony and togetherness and a thorn in the side for those that desire to create a new identity for a New Britannia that is post-race.

        

In celebration of Human Rights Day 2014: Towards a New Britannia

Today is Human Rights Day, an international day for reflection on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the values enshrined within it. A day where we can acknowledge how far we have come with human rights and what else needs to be done to ensure that human rights is extended to all who have not yet been protected by the declaration. 

For me as a Liberal Rastafarian, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is the 10 commandments; the 8-fold path; the Sermon on the Mount of our time. The declaration from its inception was championed by Haile Selassie as the liberational and ethical document of our age that had the power to save humanity from itself. Declared in 1948 out of the ashes of the Second World War and at the heights of the Cold War the declaration was a response to the evils of colonialism, racism, genocide and sexism that plagued the beginning of the 20th Century, and the possibilities of nuclear destruction that loomed over the head of mankind as the world's superpower's stared down the barrel.

Today though we have made great progress human rights violations still continue to abide and there is growing feeling in some circles that the Human Rights Act should be abolished. In Britain for example the Conservative Party have controversially called for the Human Rights Act to be axed something that I believe would be a disaster and hamper the progress that we have made today.

Looking back at some of the harrowing events of the 20th Century I am certain that this is the most enlightened document that humankind have produced, whose values have contributed to making the world a more peaceful, loving and stable environment. Incalculating the values of the declaration into our children today will be the cause of a better world tomorrow and prepare our children to be the first generation that never experienced war.   

That the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is not better known and Human Rights Day not universally celebrated is a tragedy; that some would call for the Human Rights Act to be abolished is a sin. In this document we have the values that if adopted by a generation would drastically change the world for the better; but today there is not any scheduled prime-time programming on the BBC about this epoch making declaration; there is not a special Human Rights speech by the Prime Minister over the radio or on TV and local schools have not decided to make a big deal about Human Rights Day as much as they make a big deal out of Halloween, Christmas or Easter. Citizenship classes at secondary schools have not worked as effectively as they should have in engendering human rights values and have more or less been ignored by many schools and teachers who think the subject a secondary one or to be promoting values that could perhaps bring the pupils into conflict with school rules.

Today, in Britain there is some confusion among academics, politicians and citizens on the values and identity of the British public; elected politicians in particular struggle to make sense of who we are whilst many British radicals believe that there is no role that the state can play in shaping British identity and values and to do so would be domineering and colonial. It is my belief that the state has a role in shaping the values of our society through messaging and sharing of values. It is the work of the state to ensure that the human rights of their citizens are protected and to instil in their citizens from a tender age the values and importance of the declaration.

It is my belief that the identity and values of modern Britain, New Britannia, can be found in the Universal Declaration of Rights; it is my belief that we are and must become Human Rights Britain; we are the people of the declaration just as Muslims are the people of the Quran. In the Universal Declaration of Human Rights I can hear loudly the echo of the great British liberal tradition spoken about by John Stuart Mill and John Maynard Keynes and nothing would make me more proud of Britain than the wholesale adoption of human rights culture as our national culture.

Today; I would like to call upon all who read this article to do something to make Britain a better place and share and celebrate the Universal Declaration of Human Rights with your children, friends and family.

One Love